INTRODUCTION
Statement of the Research Problem and Rationale
With the rise in migration and mobility, individuals and groups from non-dominant cultures are increasingly living, studying, and working within majority cultures As these newcomers engage with both their heritage communities and the dominant culture, significant focus has been placed on their self-perception and adaptation to the new society.
Many large universities and colleges boast a diverse student body, prompting extensive research into the ethnic identity and cultural adaptation of minority students Notable studies include Phinney's (1992) examination of various ethnic groups in the U.S., such as Asian American, African American, Hispanic, and White students Similarly, Bernal, Saenz, and Knight (1991) alongside Santos et al (2007) investigated the connection between ethnic identity and student adjustment in ethnically diverse educational settings Additionally, Verkuyten and de Wolf (2002) focused on Chinese students in the Netherlands, while Barger’s (1977) comparative research highlighted the acculturation of Inuit and Indian students in Quebec, Canada.
Research indicates that race tends to be prioritized over ethnicity in studies, with a greater emphasis on demographic characteristics and visible traits like skin color rather than on ethnic factors.
Research on the ethnic identity and adaptation experiences of individuals within the same racial group but from different ethnic communities is limited (Mooney & Evan, 2015, p 133) This highlights the need for further exploration into how these socially and culturally constructed identities influence their experiences.
In Vietnam, students from 53 ethnic minority groups attend colleges alongside the dominant Kinh culture, yet their identities are often misrepresented through stereotypes and inaccuracies Many are unjustly perceived as living in remote areas with poor conditions and low academic performance Upon entering new educational environments, they frequently face cultural shock and difficulties in adapting to different languages, beliefs, and practices, which are compounded by societal misunderstandings of their culture While policies like financial aid and bonus scores can enhance their academic success, it is crucial to focus on their adaptation process and the social and cultural support they require to thrive in these new settings.
The University of Languages and International Studies (ULIS) is a vibrant multicultural hub, bringing together students from diverse ethnic backgrounds, including Kinh, Tay, Muong, and Dzao However, there is a noticeable lack of research exploring the ethnic identity of ULIS minority students and their adaptation to the academic landscape and daily life in Hanoi.
As a senior in the Faculty of English Language Teacher Education (FELTE), I have observed varying academic and social performances among my friends from different ethnic backgrounds While many conceal their ethnic identity due to negative experiences, some adapt seamlessly to the new culture, excelling in their studies and social interactions This disparity piques my curiosity, prompting me to explore the factors influencing these differences and to gain deeper insights into the self-identification and adaptation processes of FELTE ethnic minority students.
This study focuses on two main questions:
1 How do the participants identify themselves ethnically?
2 How did the participants experience cultural adaptation in the new environment?
The second question addresses two key aspects: first, it examines the acculturative stressors faced by participants in their new cultural environment, and second, it explores their overall patterns of adaptation to this unfamiliar setting.
Scope of the Study
This study examines the ethnic identity and adaptation experiences of four senior students from the Faculty of English Language Teacher Education (FELTE) at the University of Language and International Studies (ULIS) The participants represent diverse ethnic minority groups, specifically the Tay, Thai, Dzao, and H’Mong.
Participants were selected for this study to ensure a diverse representation of ethnic groups, enhancing the richness of the data The focus on last-year students is intentional, as they possess a stable identity and a clear understanding of their circumstances Additionally, the qualitative nature of the case study necessitates in-depth narratives, making four interviewees an ideal number to balance thoroughness while minimizing the risk of oversimplification and overgeneralization.
Significance of the Study
This research enhances the existing literature on the ethnic identity and adaptation experiences of ethnic minority students in Vietnam, particularly within college and university environments dominated by the majority culture It aims to foster greater understanding among stakeholders and to develop strategies that effectively support these students in both their academic pursuits and social interactions.
Ethnic Identity
2.1.1 Ethnic Identity Definition and Development
Ethnic identity is a dynamic and complex construct, with varying definitions among researchers, indicating a lack of consensus (Cohen, 2004; Phinney, 1990) Cohen defines it as an individual’s social identity shaped by their membership in a cultural or social group Researchers have operationalized this concept through two main approaches: the first focuses on individuals' interactions with cultural aspects of their ethnic group, such as language and values (Rogler, Cooney, & Ortiz, 1980; Phinney, 1990), while the second emphasizes personal cognition, emotion, and behavior in relation to ethnic society (Fishbein, 1965) Scholars like Tajfel (1981) and Phinney (1990) have examined self-identification and belonging, highlighting the cognitive dimension, whereas others have explored feelings and attitudes towards one's group (Parham & Helms, 1981), and behavioral aspects such as social interactions and cultural habits (Rogler, Cooney, & Ortiz, 1980).
Phinney (1993) and Umaña-Taylor, Yazedjian, and Gómez (2004) identified three levels of ethnic identity development: Exploration, Resolution, and Affirmation The Exploration level involves individuals questioning their ethnic identity and seeking to understand it through exposure to new environments At the Resolution level, individuals recognize the significance of their ethnic group membership and its meaning in their lives Finally, in the Affirmation stage, individuals not only grasp their ethnic identity but also actively work to cultivate a positive self-concept and social identity.
2.1.2 Ethnic Identity Construction: Phinney’s Framework (1990)
The concept of ethnic identity lacks a universal definition, as highlighted by Drydakis (2012) Researchers Bui, Ngo, and Nguyen (2019) identified five interconnected components: family background, prior academic experiences, residential area, socio-cultural influences, and language Among various frameworks, Phinney's (1990) model is notably recognized for its comprehensive approach to ethnic identity It outlines four essential elements: self-identification as part of a group, a sense of belonging, attitudes towards group membership, and ethnic involvement, which encompasses social participation, cultural practices, and attitudes.
2.1.2.1 Ethnic Self-Identification (Self-Labeling)
Self-identification, also known as self-labeling, is the ethnic label an individual chooses for themselves, which can differ significantly from the ethnicity assigned based on ancestry or parental background (Phinney, 1990).
Phinney (1990) noted that individuals within an ethnic minority can identify as either "partly ethnic" or "partly mainstream," while those from mixed cultural backgrounds may adopt multiple labels from various cultural groups Consequently, they often perceive themselves as mixed or may overlook one aspect of their heritage in favor of another culture Ultimately, the label individuals choose for their identity can convey distinct meanings regarding their ethnic identity.
2.1.2.2 Sense of Belonging to Ethnic Group
Identifying with a specific ethnicity does not inherently indicate a genuine connection to that culture, highlighting that ethnic identity is a distinct aspect of one's self-concept Phinney (1990) outlines two primary dimensions that contribute to this complex identity.
Belonging to a cultural group often fosters deep connections among individuals, who may perceive their identity and future as intricately linked to that of their ethnic community This strong sense of attachment can significantly influence their sense of belonging and collective identity.
Individuals often derive a sense of belonging to their ethnic group through experiences of exclusion and contrast with other groups, highlighting the importance of group identity.
2.1.2.3 Positive and Negative Attitudes Towards One’s Ethnic Group
In addition to an ethnic sense of belonging and self-identification, ethnic identity could be illustrated by the positive and negative attitudes of members toward their own ethnic group.
Positive attitudes among group members often manifest as pride, satisfaction, and contentment with their ethnic identity Individuals may express feelings of pride in their ethnic background, viewing their culture as rich and valuable, which fosters a strong sense of belonging and appreciation for their heritage (Phinney, 1990).
Negative attitudes towards one's ethnic identity can manifest as a denial of cultural belonging, particularly among minority group members These attitudes may include feelings of dissatisfaction, inferiority, and a desire to conceal one's cultural heritage Individuals may express negative sentiments towards their own group while favoring the dominant culture, often viewing their peers as socially, economically, and intellectually inferior to those within the mainstream culture (Phinney, 1990).
2.1.2.4 Ethnic Involvement (Social Participation and Cultural Practices)
Phinney (1990) noted that the indicators of ethnic involvement include language, friendship, religion, ethnic social group, political ideology, residential area and cultural traditions, activities and attitudes.
Language plays a crucial role in ethnic identification, as it reflects an individual's cultural background The frequency of language use, proficiency, and the choice to maintain one's language while adapting to a new environment are key indicators of this identity.
Friendship plays a crucial role in shaping ethnic identity, as it reflects attitudes towards the significance of in-group friendships, preferences for dating within one's ethnic group, and the ethnic backgrounds of friends.
Religion plays a significant role in shaping ethnic identity, encompassing aspects such as religious affiliation, participation in religious ceremonies, church membership, and attendance at religious educational institutions like parochial schools.
(d) Structured Ethnic Social Groups One’s participation in ethnic clubs, societies, or organizations is considered a component of ethnic identity.
(e) Political Ideology and Activity They are defined as involvement in political activities on behalf of one's ethnic group, including political ideology and active participation in political organizations.
The geographical region where an individual resides can influence their ethnic identity, as it may reflect the presence and proportion of in-group members in the area Living in a mixed neighborhood with members from various ethnic groups can also impact one's sense of ethnic identity.
Exploring ethnic identity involves examining a diverse range of cultural activities and attitudes, including ethnic music, songs, dances, and traditional dress Essential elements also encompass literature, such as newspapers and books, as well as culinary practices and entertainment forms like movies, radio, and sports Additionally, traditional celebrations, family roles, values, and naming conventions play a significant role, alongside attitudes towards endogamy and mixed marriages A deep understanding of one's ethnic culture and history is crucial for a comprehensive study of these aspects.
It is widely agreed that ethnic identity is not fixed but varies in strength, forming ethnic identity salience (Phinney, 1991, Toomey et al., 2000).
Ethnic identity salience involves the extent to which individuals hold their ethnicity to be of importance and whether it can be noticed easily (Toomey et al,
Cultural adaptation
Berry (2006) defines adaptation as the long-term adjustments individuals make to achieve a satisfactory life in response to external pressures In this context, cultural adaptation is particularly emphasized as a crucial aspect of this process.
“the dynamic process” by which the newcomers negotiate and adjust themselves in terms of attitudes and behaviors when moving to a new, unfamiliar culture (Su, He
Newcomers adapt by forming stable and reciprocal relationships with members of different groups, allowing them to thrive and feel comfortable in a new cultural environment.
Wang and Yang (2019) explored adaptation through a bi-dimensional lens, highlighting the ongoing interaction between members of both cultures They emphasized that adaptation involves a mutual exchange rather than a one-sided adjustment of individuals from a different culture to the dominant, mainstream culture.
Research indicates that adaptation behaviors encompass two primary dimensions According to Sam and Berry (2006), cultural adaptation involves either embracing or resisting cultural elements of the host society Newcomers often navigate their new environment in two ways: some fully assimilate into the host culture to foster a sense of belonging, while others retain their traditional lifestyles, making only minor adjustments to fit into the new cultural context (Berry, 2005).
The adaptation process to a new culture involves two key phases Initially, newcomers encounter the new culture and begin to learn its social elements, often facing acculturative stressors that may lead to temporary changes in their attitudes or behaviors As they gain more experience in the host culture, their adaptive behaviors become more stable and autonomous, allowing them to not only survive but also thrive and live comfortably within the community.
Cultural clashes often occur during the process of cultural learning for newcomers, leading to conflicts arising from differing beliefs, values, and lifestyles (Sam & Berry, 2006) These inconsistencies can create stress and tension for individuals adjusting to a new society.
Acculturative stress refers to the challenges and difficulties that arise from intercultural interactions (Sam & Berry, 2006) These experiences require more than just quick adjustments or assimilation to overcome (Berry, 2005) As noted by Dow (2011), this stress can be particularly intense during the initial stages of the adaptation process.
Researchers have shown that the cultural adaptation process often leads to significant psychological stress, manifesting as negative emotions such as confusion, anxiety, and depression Bochner (1982) described the immigrant experience as bewildering and stressful, while Sam and Berry (2006) identified depression and anxiety as common feelings during adaptation Depression is frequently linked to cultural loss, whereas anxiety arises from the challenges of engaging with a new environment Additionally, Gilbert (1997) highlighted that individuals from minority groups may feel inferior in dominant cultures, often experiencing helplessness and a belief that success or change is unattainable, despite their efforts to adjust.
2.2.2.2 Cervantes and Cordova’s (2011) Framework of Acculturative Stressors
Acculturative stressors refer to the factors that affect the adaptation process of newcomers to the new culture, resulting in several problematic experiences (Sam
Cervantes and Cordova (2011) provide a notable classification of acculturative stressors that aligns well with the current study's focus Their research highlights six primary domains of stress affecting Hispanic adolescents in the USA, categorized as follows: (a) immigration, (b) communication and language, (c) school and academic challenges, (d) peer relationships, (e) family dynamics, and (f) social and economic factors.
Newcomers often face significant challenges in communication and language acquisition, as they must learn the dominant languages of their new environment This struggle can lead to feelings of isolation, hopelessness, and insecurity, particularly when they lack proficiency in the target language, making it difficult to connect with the majority group.
Family stress can arise from various factors, including intergenerational cultural differences, caregiving conflicts for elderly relatives, and issues related to family separations or substance use Notably, generational tensions often emerge between parents and their children, particularly when adults expect their offspring to uphold traditional cultural values.
Immigration stress can lead newcomers to experience homesickness, isolation, and memory loss as they navigate the challenges of leaving behind family, friends, and familiar neighborhoods Additionally, they may face discrimination and ridicule, often due to language barriers or differences in dress, which can also manifest on social media platforms.
(d) Peer pressure When moving to another culture, immigrants may fall under the influence of gangs, drugs, substance abuse, violence or prejudice from peers.
School and academic stress can significantly impact minority students, who often face five primary stressors These include challenges with language and communication, experiences of discrimination or negative perceptions from teachers, insufficient support from schools and parents for academic achievement, frequent changes in accommodations, and the financial pressures that may lead them to leave school for work.
Social and economic stressors significantly impact students, particularly concerning financial burdens related to school expenses like materials, accommodation, and healthcare Additionally, newly migrated students often face discrimination from the wider community, further exacerbating their challenges.
2.2.3.1 Berry and Sam’s (2006) Framework of Cultural Adaptation Patterns
The changes in attitudes, behaviors as well as feelings and emotions of the newcomers could be categorized into different adaptive patterns Berry and Sam
In 2006, a framework was proposed that identifies four cultural adaptation patterns based on two key dimensions: the adoption of mainstream culture and the preservation of heritage culture These four types of cultural adaptation are Assimilation, Separation, Integration, and Marginalization.
Berry and Sam (2006) suggested that individuals may present an assimilation tendency when they do not wish to maintain their cultural identity and seek daily interaction with the dominant culture.
Separation occurs when individuals place a value on holding on to their original culture and at the same time wish to avoid interaction with those from other cultural groups.
METHODOLOGY
Participants
This study employed a qualitative narrative approach, allowing participants to share in-depth stories about their experiences adapting to a new cultural environment This method was ideal for exploring their personal journeys, as it provided them the freedom to narrate their experiences without time constraints Additionally, participants could openly express their emotions and feelings, resulting in richer and more comprehensive data for the research.
The selection of participants for the study was based on specific criteria, ensuring that all interviewees were students from the Faculty of English Language Teacher Education (FELTE) who belonged to various ethnic minority groups These groups exhibit significant differences in language, lifestyle, customs, and beliefs To qualify, participants needed to have spent a considerable portion of their lives, particularly during childhood, within their ethnic communities, allowing for deep cultural immersion Additionally, they were required to have studied at FELTE for a minimum of three years, providing them with ample opportunity to develop a nuanced understanding of the new culture and their responses to it.
The study involved four senior students from my personal network, fostering a strong rapport that facilitated continuous interaction and reliable data collection This close relationship created a trustworthy environment, encouraging participants to comfortably share their personal experiences Below is some basic information about each participant.
May, a senior at the Faculty of English Language Teacher Education (FELTE) at ULIS, is a member of the H’Mong ethnic group and serves as the president of the H’Mong ethnic club in Hanoi Originating from Sapa, a remote area in Vietnam, she actively promotes her culture and heritage through her leadership role.
Located in northern Vietnam, Sapa is a renowned tourist destination predominantly inhabited by the H’Mong people The region is notable for its rich cultural heritage, and it is here that many students, like one exceptional individual, attended the Ethnic Minority Boarding School, excelling in their studies.
Hoa, a senior at FELTE, ULIS, has spent five years at the university after taking a gap year She is a member of the Dzao ethnic group and, like her peer May, attended an ethnic minority boarding school In her home province of Phu Tho, the Dzao culture is predominant, although there is also a presence of Kinh people in the area.
Trung grew up in a mixed heritage family, with a Tay mother and a Kinh father, in a small town in Yen Bai province where the population is evenly split between the two ethnic groups After losing his father at a young age, Trung was raised by his mother until he enrolled in university.
An, a member of the Thai ethnic group from Son La, experienced two significant migrations before joining FELTE at ULIS After spending seven years in her predominantly Thai hometown, her family relocated to a nearby town with a larger Kinh population As she prepared for university, An moved to the city of Son La, where both Thai and Kinh communities coexisted, yet remained largely segregated.
Data Collection
Data collection utilized open-ended semi-structured questions, as detailed in the Appendix The interview questions were crafted using Cervantes and Cordova’s framework of acculturation stressors faced by ethnic minority adolescents (2011) and Phinney’s ethnic identity framework (1990).
Four in-depth interviews were conducted with four participants, each lasting two and a half hours, to gather original narratives without influence from others Interviews with Hoa and Trung occurred on campus after class, while An's interview took place at a quiet cafe over the weekend Due to physical distance and a tight schedule, May's interview was conducted online in her room, providing a safe space for sharing To enhance comfort and accuracy in communication, the interviews were conducted in Vietnamese, minimizing misunderstandings.
Data Analysis
The interviews were recorded, transcribed, and translated into English by myself For confidentiality reasons, the personal information of the participants including names or workplaces were changed.
The analysis employed a blend of deductive and inductive coding, guided by a literature review and three key frameworks: ethnic identity, acculturative stress, and cultural adaptation patterns This approach established a foundational structure for identifying significant themes and issues, while also allowing for the emergence of new topics not addressed within these frameworks The iterative analysis continued until the data was thoroughly explored, with findings contextualized and expanded upon in relation to existing research.
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
Ethnic Identity
Using Phinney’s (1990) framework of ethnic identity, this section analyzes four participants, highlighting the components of self-labeling, positive community attitudes, and heritage culture involvement The findings reveal that Hoa and May have a strong identification with their ethnic groups, while An demonstrates a more limited connection.
“partly ethnic” and Trung presented a weak and marginalized ethnic identity.
4.1.1 Hoa’s Strong Ethnic Identity as a Dzao Person
Hoa was raised in a small village inhabited by the Dzao people, where she lived alongside other ethnic groups like the Kinh and Muong This environment allowed her to experience a variety of cultures, yet the distinctiveness of each community remained intact, particularly the differences between the Dzao and Kinh populations.
Born into a native Dzao family, she grew up in a community where her parents cultivated acacias and vegetables on the surrounding hills Her grandfather played a crucial role as a pioneer in preserving Dzao culture, inspiring younger generations to embrace and promote their community's cultural values.
He actively participates in nearly all cultural events in our village, proudly sharing photos on Facebook After retiring as a teacher, he continued to teach the Dzao language to local police and soldiers, even appearing in television interviews due to his unique contributions His dedication made him a source of pride for both my family and the entire community, significantly enhancing my appreciation for our ethnic culture.
During her early childhood, Hoa was closely connected to the Dzao community until the age of 12, when she transitioned to boarding school At this school, she had the opportunity to study and live alongside students from various ethnic groups, excluding the Kinh.
The boarding school catered specifically to ethnic minority students who successfully passed the entrance exam, providing essential support and accommodations Living primarily on campus, I rarely returned home and began to appreciate the rich ethnic diversity around me This experience highlighted the distinctiveness of my identity as a Dzao person, as I interacted with peers from various ethnic backgrounds.
Hoa proudly identifies as a native Dzao, stating, "I am definitely a Dzao person because I was born and grew up in the Dzao community." She emphasizes her deep connection to her heritage, having inherited the distinctive traits of the Dzao people and actively practicing their cultural traditions These traits encompass unique and recognizable physical features that highlight her ethnic identity.
As a member of the Dzao community, I share common physical traits such as a long, square face and one-lidded eyes, which are characteristic of my people While I may move at a slower pace compared to the Kinh people, my notably fair skin sets me apart, as most Dzao individuals typically have darker complexions.
In addition, in Hoa’s descriptions, Dzao people also share certain common personality and communication manners:
At our home, everyone is greeted with warmth and sincerity, reflecting our friendly and caring nature We prioritize honesty and straightforwardness in our interactions, although this can sometimes lead to a communication style that may come across as gruff or more direct compared to Kinh cultural norms.
It could be noticed that Hoa consistently compared the characteristics of herself and Dzao people to those of Kinh people Moreover, she used the pronouns
The use of "We" and "Our," alongside "I" and "my," highlights her recognition of cultural differences and her sense of belonging to the Dzao community while creating distance from others Her strong ethnic identity is reflected in her positive attitudes toward the Dzao culture, as she takes pride in being Dzao and values qualities such as friendliness, honesty, and sincerity Hoa is eager to share these admirable traits with those outside her community.
I frequently share Facebook statuses about the Dzao people, post photos of my mother in traditional Dzao attire, and create short TikTok videos showcasing our daily life It brings me joy to see that many other groups are interested in my cultural heritage.
After graduation, she plans to return to her hometown to work on improving education for ethnic children, expressing concern over the current state of merged classes with insufficient teachers despite some advancements in facilities and teacher qualifications She is determined to make a difference in this area and has even expressed her commitment to marrying a Dzao man as part of her dedication to her community.
My parents warned that significant cultural differences could result in serious miscommunication They highlighted that if a divorce were to occur, it would sever any remaining ties with my Kinh partner After my university experience in a dominant culture, I now understand their perspective and recognize the challenges of effective communication with a Kinh individual.
Hoa's strong ethnic identity is evident in her commitment to her mother tongue, the Dzao language, which she used at home and in her village, even while speaking Vietnamese with peers She emphasized the importance of the Dzao language for effectively conveying her thoughts, stating, “Whenever I came home, I immediately switched to the Dzao language.” Additionally, she fostered deep connections with her ethnic community and maintained friendships with other minority students, while her interactions with Kinh individuals were primarily for academic and professional purposes Her enthusiasm for her heritage was highlighted when she expressed joy at encountering fellow Dzao individuals, saying, “If I happen to meet a Dzao person in Hanoi, surely I will be thrilled to bits!”
Hoa maintained a strong connection to Dzao cultural practices, embracing both traditions and daily routines She wore the traditional black long skirt and calf cloth typical of Dzao women while working Her family adhered to Dzao rituals, particularly those for health, luck, and prosperity Inspired by her grandfather, Hoa actively engaged in social activities like festivals featuring dance, song, and poetry Although she followed a Kinh lifestyle at boarding school, she participated in cultural exchange events, showcasing Dzao dance and music during special celebrations This involvement deepened her appreciation for cultural diversity and enhanced her pride in her heritage.
4.1.2 May’s Strong Ethnic Identity as a H’mong Person
Experience of Acculturative Stress
When transitioning to a new environment, participants often experience "acculturative stress," a term used by researchers including Sam and Berry (2006), Dow (2011), and Cervantes and Cordova to describe the common tensions faced during this adjustment period.
(2011) Four main groups of stressors from the findings include Language and communication, Academic stress, Social stress in Hanoi, Economic stress, and Family pressure.
Trung and An faced minimal challenges in communicating with the Kinh people due to their extensive prior experience, with An's multilingual skills further enhancing her ability to connect In contrast, Hoa and May struggled significantly with speaking Vietnamese, which is the primary language of the Kinh community.
The differences between their native languages and Vietnamese were pronounced, particularly in vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation Trung and An discovered numerous unfamiliar words and phrases in Vietnamese, even though they had previously communicated with Kinh people in their hometowns Trung noted that it was only through more frequent interactions with Kinh speakers that he became aware of the many variations from his mother tongue.
May particularly highlighted her troubles with the Vietnamese grammar and pronunciation:
Despite using Vietnamese at boarding school, I struggled with pronouncing certain sounds like /ng/, /k/, and /m/ that are absent in the H'mong language My fear of mispronunciation, coupled with my strong H'mong accent, made conversations with Kinh people intimidating Additionally, the significant grammatical differences between the two languages often left me feeling confused.
Having to switch back and forth between languages also caused Hoa problems:
After speaking Kinh for an extended period, I occasionally forget some Dzao vocabulary and vice versa There are times when I struggle to find the right Kinh words to convey specific ideas To address these challenges, I often resort to using synonyms or providing additional explanations to clarify my thoughts.
In addition to lingual problems, the participants also experienced misunderstandings due to conflicts in communication styles May give an example:
Responding to someone’s calling or addressing, we H’mong people often say
In Hanoi, using informal responses like "ơi" or "ừm" instead of the more respectful "vâng" or "dạ" can be perceived as rude or impolite When I first arrived in the city, I unknowingly offended an elder by replying with "ừm," highlighting the importance of understanding local customs and communication styles.
Added to that, Hoa also shared her experience:
The Dzao people often struggle with effective communication, lacking the use of complete sentences and appropriate addressing terms when conversing with elders or individuals of higher social standing My friends frequently pointed out that my manner of speaking comes across as harsh, making it seem like I am either scolding them or ready to argue.
I didn’t mean to disrespect them at all.
Even skilled communicators like Hoa and Trung struggle to grasp the deeper meanings in conversations with Kinh people Hoa expressed her frustration, stating, “I am so sick of thinking of various inferences for what Kinh people say.” She also noted that some Kinh individuals engage in “twisted talks,” which she finds both annoying and untrustworthy.
University students in a dominant culture often face significant challenges, including poor academic performance and feelings of prejudice and ostracism These experiences can lead to a range of negative emotions, such as fatigue, anxiety, demotivation, and depression.
Hoa, May, and An faced significant challenges with their academic performance, particularly in English, exacerbated by the pressure of comparing themselves to their Kinh peers Hoa’s experience highlights this struggle; overwhelmed by the rigorous demands at ULIS, she consistently missed assignment deadlines and felt unable to participate in English classes due to her focus on grammar for exams at her previous boarding school Consequently, she received low marks, especially in her first year, leading to severe depression, disappointment, and a loss of motivation as she compared her results to those of her Kinh classmates.
Despite my initial pride in my academic achievements at boarding school, my experience at university left me feeling inadequate compared to my peers Each day became a struggle, leading to two months of sleepless nights filled with anxiety about my ability to keep up and concerns about my future If I had anticipated the intense pressure of studying at ULIS, I might have opted for a less prestigious college where I could excel At one point, I even considered dropping out altogether.
May and An struggled with English learning, similar to Hoa May faced challenges in English writing, frequently receiving feedback on grammatical errors Meanwhile, An's Thai accent and differing sentence structures hindered her spoken English, leading to teasing from classmates and resulting in negative emotions.
During my initial English lessons, I frequently mispronounced long sentences, leading to laughter from my classmates, even though they attempted to hide their amusement Some students went as far as to mock me by repeating my mistakes, and at times, my peers would ask, "What did you just say?" This left me feeling embarrassed and eager to leave the classroom Additionally, I consistently received lower marks than my peers in presentations, which deepened my feelings of sadness, shame, and self-pity.
Many participants identified their challenges in English proficiency as a result of inadequate English education in their earlier schooling In their hometowns, English was often viewed as either "an unnecessary language" or solely as a subject for university entrance exams This limited exposure led to a focus on grammar structures, leaving them with deficiencies in all four essential language skills.
Participants in the academic environment experienced stress due to the fear of prejudice from the dominant community Specifically, Hoa and Trung observed that their Kinh classmates expressed disagreement with them, highlighting the challenges of navigating social dynamics in educational settings.
Adaptation Patterns
The data revealed distinct adaptation patterns among participants in a new environment Specifically, Hoa exhibited a tendency for separation, while May and An showed varying degrees of integration into the new culture In contrast, Trung demonstrated a movement toward assimilation into the Kinh community.
Due to her lack of confidence and feelings of inferiority compared to her Kinh peers, Hoa distanced herself from the dominant culture and leaned heavily on her ethnic community for support To protect herself from potential ethnic discrimination, including lower wages and demanding tasks, she adopted a proactive stance, stating, “I will never let myself in such situations and am willing to leave that job immediately to find another one.”
At university, since Hoa got depressed by the low academic result, she decided to take a gap year after the first year:
Juggling multiple responsibilities was overwhelming, leading to feelings of depression as I struggled to keep up with my peers I realized I needed time to acclimate to my new surroundings before resuming my studies During my time away from university, I dedicated myself to improving my English skills and gaining valuable experience through part-time jobs As a result, when I returned to university, my language proficiency had significantly improved.
I got ready for the academic path ahead.
To cope with cultural shock and homesickness, she frequently took solitary bus rides to the last station or simply went home to sleep Hoa made it a point to visit her family every two months, expressing that seeing her loved ones alleviated her feelings of distress and depression.
Hoa's tendency to separate herself socially is evident in her relationships within the Kinh community, where she interacted primarily for work or study purposes She found deeper connections with friends from ethnic minority groups, stating, "Only with ethnic friends can I feel the sympathy and comfort to talk to." At university, she often remained silent during group discussions with Kinh classmates, feeling that her contributions were not as valuable Outside of academic settings, she distanced herself from Kinh conversations, struggling to grasp their subtleties and nuances As a Dzao individual, she expressed frustration with the "pragmatic things" in Kinh communication that she found difficult to understand.
She had never lived with a Kinh person, opting instead to share a rented apartment with her ethnic friend and former Tay classmate from boarding school Their strong bond, built on trust and mutual understanding, allowed them to share secrets, personal stories, and daily experiences, significantly enhancing their friendship.
Moreover, they also found it easy to share the daily cultural practice of their ethnic groups rather than the Kinh lifestyles.
Hoa engaged with online social networks for ethnic communities to enhance her confidence and connect with peers Notably, she became a member of a Facebook group for Dzao people across Vietnam, fostering close ties with her ethnic community and experiencing the supportive camaraderie of group members towards outsiders.
The Dzao community actively shares its unique cultural traditions, including festivals and customs, with a larger audience, fostering a strong sense of ethnic identity and pride among its members This group serves as a protective space where any insults or false narratives about the Dzao people are addressed, ensuring accountability and solidarity Engaging in this social network has significantly boosted my confidence and reinforced my pride in my Dzao heritage.
Hoa actively defends the Dzao ethnic group against the social prejudices held by the Kinh people, confronting these biases both online and in person.
Some of my Kinh friends often inquire about charms, mistakenly believing they are inherently negative I jokingly respond, “Yes, we use charms! Treat me well, or you might become a victim!” However, with strangers, I am more direct about my discomfort regarding their misconceptions This has led to conflicts with toxic individuals on social media, where I've even resorted to using the Dzao language to communicate my points without their understanding To address these misunderstandings, I once wrote a detailed Facebook post that accurately depicted the Dzao community, aiming to clarify any misconceptions about my group.
Hoa often separated herself when dealing with her private problems such as low study efficiency, depression and homesickness, and communication issues with
Hoa chose to minimize interactions with the dominant culture, instead prioritizing her heritage community, which aligns with the Separation patterns identified by Berry and Sam (2006).
Unlike Hoa, May faced several challenges during her adaptation process, but her proactive responses demonstrated a strong desire to integrate She actively sought to learn about the new culture, participated in social groups with the Kinh people, and leveraged her ethnic strengths to engage more effectively with the dominant culture Simultaneously, May maintained a deep connection with her own ethnic group, fostering close relationships with its members.
Recognizing her academic weaknesses, May proactively sought self-improvement by engaging with the Kinh community She actively participated in conversations and environments dominated by Kinh individuals, demonstrating her desire to integrate into this community To enhance her Vietnamese language skills, she consistently pursued opportunities to practice speaking with Kinh people and took on part-time jobs that demanded a high level of language proficiency.
As I think that practice is an ideal way to improve language proficiency, I try my best to learn from Kinh people whenever I talk to them I also applied for the MC positions of many events in Hanoi as a part-time job It was extremely hard at the beginning, but I gained a lot.
To enhance her English grammar, May frequently encouraged her Kinh friends to converse in English, recognizing their shared desire to improve their language skills Aware of her own technological limitations, she took the initiative to learn from her Kinh classmates through collaborative group assignments and university workshops.