6.2 Walls of Power and Monumentality
6.2.1 Élite Power, Wealth, and Control
I argue that one of the major functions of city walls is that they were used by the higher echelons of society to display their power, wealth, and control. This theme can be seen throughout Ascalon and Caesarea’s medieval biographies. The walls are essentially being used as monumental billboards, cleverly advertising the accomplishments of those in positions of power to the masses. This was achieved in three ways: firstly, by creating inscriptions commemorating their accomplishments and placing them in visible areas. For example, in section 4.5.2 above, I demonstrated how the local amīrs and qādī placed an Arabic inscription, commemorating the construction of a new tower in 1150, on a wall or tower near one of Ascalon’s main gates, thus turning the city wall into a visual display of their power and authority. A similar inscription can be seen during the Frankish
occupation of Ascalon. After King Richard I’s refortification in 1192, an inscription naming Master Philip (the king’s clerk) was created, insinuating that a large portion of Ascalon’s walls were funded by the English king, thus serving as a reminder of the seigneurial power and wealth required to construct the city’s monumental walls (see section 4.6.3).
Secondly, the Frankish élites used the image of the city walls on documentary seals.
Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the Lords and Ladies of Caesarea
depicted the city’s urban defences on their documentary seals. More than illustrating actual physical fortifications, these iconographic representations were used by the lords and ladies to potentially broadcast the existing strength of Caesarea’s walls, the
fortifications that could be achieved through their wealth and power, or a link to the past walls that once stood and could exist again (see section 5.5.2). Such advertising can be seen in documentary seals from seven of the fourteen walled towns across the Kingdom of Jerusalem, including: Jerusalem, Sidon, Tyre, Arsuf, Jaffa and Ascalon.
Many of the Kings and Queens of Jerusalem used a similar representation of their city on their documentary seals. The seals used by Baldwin I, Baldwin II (not pictured), Baldwin III, Melisende (not pictured), Amaury I, Baldwin IV, Baldwin V, Guy de Lusignan, Amaury de Lusignan, and Jean de Brienne all display a seated king holding a sceptre in his right hand and an orb in his left on the obverse (except for Melisende’s seal which depicts a crown), and the Holy Sepulchre and the Dome of the Rock being protected by the city walls with the Tower of David standing in the centre on the reverse (see figures 6.1 – 6.8) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: 2, Plate XVI n.1; 3; 4, Plate XVI n.2; 5–6; 7, Plate XVI n.3; 8–9, Plate I n.1, see also Plate XVI n.4; 9–10, Plate XVI n.5; 10, Plate I n.2; 12, Plate XXI n.7; 13–14, Plate I n.3, based on the drawings in the Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo’s Amico Register (n.d.) folio 187, 264, 271, 290; and on the drawing by Paoli 1733–1737 I:
Tab. II n.17).
The various representations of Jerusalem vary slightly from each other. On Baldwin I, Baldwin III, and Amaury I’s seals the Holy Sepulchre is positioned to the right and the Dome of the Rock to the left of the Tower of David while their positions are reversed on the seals belonging to Melisende, Baldwin IV, Baldwin V, Guy de Lusignan, Amaury de Lusignan, and Jean de Brienne. Moreover, the city walls have stylistic differences. For example, Baldwin I’s walls are made up of stones with dots in their centres, while Baldwin II’s defences are topped with crenellations. These variations may be due to the artist’s interpretation of the city or may reflect actual changes made to the fortifications over time. Regardless of these differences, it is evident that the choice to represent Jerusalem through its city walls and holy monuments did not change much throughout each successive reign thus demonstrating that these structures continued to exhibit the monarchy’s power.
Figure 6.1: Sketch of Baldwin I’s seal. The marginal inscription reads: + BALDVINVS DEI GRA ã REX ã HIERVSALEM : (obverse) and + CIVITAS : REGIS : REGVM : OMNIVM : (reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XVI n.1, after Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo’s
Amico Register (n.d.) folio 187)
Figure 6.2: Sketch of Baldwin III’s seal. The marginal inscription reads: + BALDVINVS : DEI : GRATIA : REXHIERVSALE (obverse) and + CIVITAS : REGIS : REGVM : OMNIVM
: (reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XVI n.2, after Paoli 1733–1737 I: Tab. II n.17)
Figure 6.3: Sketch of Amaury I’s seal. The marginal inscription reads: + AMALRICVS ã DEI ã GRATIA ã REX ã IERVSALEM ã (obverse) and + CIVITAS ã REGIS : REGVM : OMNIVM : (reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XVI n.3, after Biblioteca Comunale di
Palermo’s Amico Register (n.d.) folio 271)
Figure 6.4: Baldwin VI’s lead seal. The marginal inscription reads: + BALDVIIIS DEI GRACIA REX IERVSALEM (obverse) and + CIVITAS ã REGIS : REGVM : OMNIVM
(reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate I n.1)
Figure 6.5: Sketch of Baldwin V’s seal. The marginal inscription reads: + BALDVINVS DEI GRATIA REX IERVSALEM (obverse) and + CIVITAS REGIS REGVM OMNIVM ã (reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XVI n.5, after Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo’s
Amico Register (n.d.) folio 290)
Figure 6.6: Guy de Lusignan’s lead seal. The marginal inscription reads: + GVIDO DEI GRACIA REX IERVSALEM (obverse) and + CIVITAS REGIS REGVM OMNIV (reverse)
(Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate I n.2)
Figure 6.7: Drawing of Amaury de Lusignan’s lead seal. The marginal inscription reads: + AIMERICVS : DEI GRA REX IERL’M ET CIPRI (obverse) and + CIVITAS REGIS REGVM
OMNIVM (reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XXI n.7)
Figure 6.8: Jean de Brienne’s lead seal. The marginal inscription reads: + : OH’ES : DEI : GRA : REX : IHRL’M (obverse) and ‡ CIVITAS : REGIS : REGVM OMNIVM (reverse)
(Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate I n.3)
Fortifications can also be seen on the seals of other Frankish élites. Renaud (Lord of Sidon), Jean de Montfort (Lord of Tyre), Balian d’Ibelin (Lord of Arsuf), Jean IV d’Ibelin (son of Balian d’Ibelin and Titular Lord of Arsuf), and Hugh II du Puiset (Count of Jaffa and Ascalon) all have very similar seals to those of the lords and ladies of Caesarea, with a mounted knight on the obverse and a depiction of the city’s defences on the reverse (see section 5.5.1 and figures 5.63–5.68 and 6.9–6.13) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: 55, Plate XIX n.7; 64, Plate XVIII n.7; 65, Plate XVII n.1; 39, Plate XVII n.2; 47–48, Plate XIX n.1, based on the drawings of Paoli 1733–1737 I: Tab. VI n.61; Tab. VI n.64; Tab. VI n.56; Tab. I n.18; Tab.
IV n.37).
Even though élite seals present many stylistic similarities, they are by no means static.
Balian and Jean IV d’Ibelin’s seals demonstrate a distinct shift in their obverse and reverse designs (see figure 6.11 and 6.12). Both seals date to 1269 (Schlumberger et al. 1943: 39, 65), but Balian’s knight and city walls portray a much stronger military image than that of Jean IV. The knight on Balian’s seal is riding straight on, his face is entirely covered by a helm and visor, while Jean IV’s knight is turned outwards, his face uncovered. Similarly, Balian’s fortifications appear more aggressive than Jean IV’s. The latter’s city has a more open plan, the main tower has curved decorative elements and the two smaller towers have banners flying from their roofs while the former’s defences appear more formidable with a more closed off plan. Arsuf, like Caesarea, was razed by Baybars in 1265. It would appear that both lords were using the city’s defences to display their power, one drawing on past military strength and the other on past stability.
Moving away from this pattern is the Countess of Jaffa and Ascalon Sibylle de Lusignan’s seal which was appended to a document dating to 1177. In this act, Sibylle concedes a garden, yearly rents, and three towers at Ascalon to the Hospitallers (Schlumberger et al.
1943: 48–49, Plate XVII n.4). This seal depicts both Jaffa and Ascalon’s city walls but no knight on horseback (see figure 6.14). In addition to this change the city walls depicted are also markedly different from Hugh II de Puiset’s seal dating to 1126 (see figure 6.13) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: 47–48, Plate XIX n.1). It is unclear which fortifications on Sibylle’s seal are attributable to which city as this is not indicated on the seal and little architecture remains at either site to make a comparison (see sections 3.2 and 4.4). Unlike Hugh II, Sibylle utilizes both city walls to demonstrate her control over both of these sites.
Figure 6.9: Drawing of Renaud, Lord of Sidon’s lead seal. The marginal inscription reads:
+ RAINALDVS D(NS) SIDONIS (obverse) and HE(C ETS C)IVITAS. SIDONIS (reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XIX n.7)
Figure 6.10: Sketch of Jean de Montfort, Lord of Tyre’s lead seal. The marginal inscription reads: + S. IOHAN’ MO-TFORT SEGNVR D : SVR E DOV THORON (obverse) and + DOMINI : TYRI : ECCE : TYRVS (reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XVIII n.7, after
Paoli 1733–1737 I: Tab. VI n.61)
Figure 6.11: Sketch of Balian d’Ibelin, Lord of Arsuf’s seal. The marginal inscription reads:
+ BA : D’YBEL’ : S : D ARS : CO’ESTABL : DOV : REAVME : D’IERL’M (obverse) and + : CE : EST : LE : CHASTIAU : D ARSUR (reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XVII n.1,
after Paoli 1733–1737 I: Tab. VI n.64)
Figure 6.12: Sketch of Jean IV d’Ibelin, Lord of Arsuf’s seal. The marginal inscription reads: + S’IOH’ISã D. YBELINO DNS : ARRSVR (obverse) and + CASTRVM : ARSUR (reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XVII n.2, after Paoli 1733–1737 I: Tab. VI n.56)
Figure 6.13: Sketch of Hugh II du Puiset, Count of Jaffa and Ascalon’s seal. The marginal inscription reads: + COMES ã HVGO ã (obverse) and + CIVITAS ã IOPE ã (reverse)
(Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XIX n.1, after Paoli 1733–1737 I: Tab. I n.18)
Figure 6.14: Sketch of Sibylle, Countess of Jaffa and Ascalon’s seal. The marginal inscription reads: + SIGILLUM ã AMAL ã REGIS FILIE (obverse) and + IOPP ã ET ASCALE
COMITISSA (reverse) (Schlumberger et al. 1943: Plate XVII n.4, after Paoli 1733–1737 I:
Tab. IV n.37)
Lastly, this theme of power can be seen in the walls themselves, particularly through their aesthetic and monumental appearance and the immense cost expended during their construction. This is especially apparent in King Louis IX’s monumental refortification of Caesarea from 1251–1252. Through great cost and effort, the king, along with his army, built large walls, measuring at least 10 m high, that were embellished with Gothic
sculptural details and magical spolia (see sections 5.6.3). This cost and effort demonstrates the king’s power to control the necessary resources to build the monumental fortifications (see sections 5.6.3). This can also be seen at Ascalon through the remains of the Fatimid walls which were built sometime between 1136 and 1151. These monumental walls were built with great skill and at great cost. The wall’s facing stones were placed with
alternating header and stretchers and incorporated spoliated columns throughout, thus creating an aesthetically pleasing style along its entire circuit (see sections 4.4.2 and 4.5.3).