Rationale
The telephone serves as the main electronic medium for interpersonal communication, playing a crucial role in daily life As it lacks visual cues, the focus shifts to linguistic information, making telephone conversations particularly challenging for foreign language learners This medium also poses difficulties in intercultural interactions, even for individuals who have a foundational understanding of a foreign language and its cultural context.
Inexperience with live interactive telephone conversations in a second language can pose significant challenges for learners To improve their skills, it is essential for these learners to engage with authentic recorded phone conversations, allowing them to listen, interpret, and summarize effectively Exposure to real-life telephone dialogues, along with instruction on conversational structures and formulaic expressions, greatly enhances their listening comprehension and conversational proficiency.
Telephone call openings serve as a valuable focus for cross-cultural pragmatics research due to their structured nature and technological constraints This specificity limits the range of possible interactions, allowing researchers to examine how various cultures and languages approach the same conversational routine differently Consequently, this paper selects telephone conversation openings as the subject of its study.
Aims of the study
1) To find out standard formulas used in beginning telephone conversations among English and Vietnamese speakers as suggested by Schegloff
2) To discover how culture affects the ways English and Vietnamese start their telephone conversations
3) To draw an implication in English teaching for Vietnamese students.
Scope of the study
I restrict my study on formal business telephone conversation openings and informal personal ones which are used by people doing different jobs and at different ages.
Theoretical / practical significance of the study
Telephone conversation openings in both English and Vietnamese generally adhere to a routine similar to Schegloff's model, though there are notable differences between the two languages English tends to maintain a higher level of formality in these openings, while Vietnamese showcases a greater variety of approaches influenced by factors such as age, social status, and the relationship between speakers Additionally, individuals from diverse backgrounds in Vietnamese culture employ different methods to initiate a telephone conversation.
Methodology
This research paper analyzes data from English textbooks and 50 questionnaires focused on telephone conversation openings The questionnaires were completed by 20 English speakers and 30 Vietnamese speakers, aged 18 to over 60, covering interactions among acquaintances, colleagues, relatives, and friends Participants provided their responses via email and in-person submissions, and some were also interviewed for additional insights.
The first descriptive stage of analysis led to the identification of recurrent patterns in the data and the recognition of the most evident cross-cultural differences
A quantitative analysis utilizing the core sequences framework facilitated systematic comparisons across languages, highlighting the significant relevance of these cross-cultural comparisons to second language learning.
Statistics is also used for this study to find out the differences between English and Vietnamese languages using in telephone conversation openings
To analyze the "how are you" ritual in English and Vietnamese telephone conversations, Conversation Analysis (CA) serves as an effective method for examining foreign language interactions The article includes English translations alongside the original dialogues for clarity.
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 4 1.1 Language and culture
The historical development of telephone conversations
In his book "Telephone Conversation," Robert Hopper emphasizes that the history of the telephone is closely linked to our renewed understanding of human speech During the early 1900s, Ferdinand de Saussure, building on the work of earlier philologists and grammarians, established a new science focused on the study of spoken language Today, we recognize Saussure's lectures as a pivotal moment in the evolution of thought, marking a significant rediscovery in the field of linguistics.
The fundamental technology of human speech has remained largely unchanged since our early days as a species, with the origins of speech communication dating back millennia However, key aspects of telephone communication remained enigmatic until the 1960s, when pioneers in conversation analysis began to integrate telephone interactions with tape recording technology.
The evolution of telephone technology has significantly influenced our understanding of speech communication, fostering a heightened awareness of spoken language As individuals engage in telephone conversations, they learn that effective communication occurs through the exchange of speech between two parties, highlighting the reflexive relationship between technology and our communication practices (Hopper, 1992: 24).
Conversation Analysis and Telephone Conversations
Conversation analysis (CA) emerged in the late 1960s and early 1970s as a subfield of sociology, concentrating on the structure of everyday conversations These ordinary interactions, which typically take place between friends and acquaintances in person or over the phone, are the primary focus of CA researchers (Markee, 2000: 24).
Conversation analysis examines everyday communication, focusing on how individuals understand and respond to each other during interactions This systematic study reveals the mechanisms through which conversational sequences are created, highlighting the dynamics of talk-in-interaction (Hutchby & Wooffitt, 1998).
Conversation analysis explores how participants create and interpret meaningful utterances during interactions, addressing the fundamental question of how intelligible communication occurs This field attracts significant scholarly interest, as conversation is considered the primary form of human communication As Levinson (1983) notes, conversation serves as the prototypical language use and is the initial context in which individuals encounter language, forming the foundation for language acquisition (David Nunan: 84).
Conversation analysis stands out as a key empirical approach in pragmatics, as its data is accessible for scrutiny by any researcher This transparency allows readers to verify claims by examining the transcriptions and recordings that serve as examples (Hopper, 1992:10).
Conversation analysis has historically been intertwined with the study of telephone conversations, emphasizing the everyday skills essential for social interaction This analytical approach involves scrutinizing real verbal exchanges, with recorded telephone conversations serving as a significant resource for understanding these dynamics (Holtgraves, 2001: 92).
Conversation analysis is highly relevant for studying telephone speech, as telephone conversations are easily recorded due to participants speaking from a single location into a connected device Analysts focus on the empirical details exchanged between participants, using recordings and transcriptions as primary evidence for their analyses While these recordings and transcriptions may not capture every nuance of actual speech, they provide rich and replayable representations of verbal interactions Consequently, recordings of telephone conversations are both accessible and audible The methodologies outlined in this volume adhere to the principles of conversation analysis, making them particularly suitable for examining telephone communication (Hopper 1992: 18-22).
Telephone call openings have been extensively studied in cross-cultural and intercultural pragmatics, beginning with Schegloff's 1968 analysis of U.S telephone calls Much of the subsequent research has been conducted within the Conversation Analysis (CA) framework, focusing on detailed observations of interactions to reveal how social order is established and maintained in daily life The core analytical components of this research are moves and sequences.
Schegloff focused on how individuals initiate interactions at the start of telephone calls, analyzing 500 instances of telephone openings His research revealed a predominant pattern where the answerer typically speaks first However, he identified one notable exception in his study where the caller initiated the conversation, specifically in a scenario involving a police call, which included a brief one-second pause after the receiver was lifted.
3 Police: Hello, this is Police headquarters er, Officer Stratton
(Schegloff, 1968 in Hutchby Ian and Wooffitt Robin, 1998: 95-96)
Schegloff concludes that the openings of telephone conversations follow a structure known as summon-answer sequences He argues that the initial response from the answerer serves as a reply to the summons indicated by the ringing phone Consequently, the caller's first turn, which is the second utterance in the conversation, typically functions as the initial greeting.
Culture and telephone conversations
Research indicates that conversational dynamics and speech act performance vary significantly across languages and cultures Differences in background knowledge among individuals from diverse cultures can hinder effective communication Additionally, variations in conversational management, such as politeness, formality, and the tolerance for silence, play a crucial role in determining the success of interactions (David Nunan: 94-96).
Different cultures have different degrees of tolerance for silence between turns, overlap in speaking, and competition among speakers (Hoang Van Van: 113)
Cross-cultural studies on telephone conversation openings in various communities, including France, Greece, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Taiwan, investigate the universality and cultural specificity of these interactions (Godard, 1977; Levinson, 1983; Sifianou, 1989; Houtkoop-Steenstra, 1991; Lindström, 1994; Pavlidou, 1994; Hopper & Chen, 1996) Using American English telephone opening sequences as a template (Schegloff, 1972, 1979, 1986), researchers analyze how different cultures conduct these openings The findings reveal both similarities and distinct cultural variations in telephone conversation openings across different societies.
Godard (1977) examined the differences in telephone opening sequences between French and American cultures, highlighting that Americans view an answer as a sign that communication is open, while the French interpret it as an indication of the answerer's willingness to be interrupted Consequently, French callers often include an apology in their opening remarks, reflecting their cultural norms around conversation and availability.
Levinson (1983) identifies key components of telephone call openings, noting that the call begins when the phone rings Typically, the person answering speaks first, often providing their name or a simple greeting like "Hello." The caller then responds with their own greeting and self-identification In conversations between close friends or acquaintances, it's common to exchange pleasantries such as "How are you?" Following this, the caller usually states the purpose of the call Therefore, telephone conversations have distinct and recognizable openings.
A study by Sifianou (1989) on Greek telephone greetings revealed a wide range of linguistic options available for answering the phone This variety allows Greeks to cultivate a unique personal style when responding to calls, which can help the caller identify the person answering.
Houtkoop-Steenstra (1991) discovered that Dutch speakers predominantly self-identify by name when answering the phone, with callers also frequently following suit This practice of self-identification is primarily reserved for spouses or close relatives, indicating a level of intimacy in their communication Additionally, the study suggests that failing to self-identify when answering a home telephone is perceived as impolite in Dutch society.
Lindström (1994) analyzes Swedish telephone conversation openings, revealing that self-identification, often accompanied by a phone number, is the most common response Swedes typically greet the caller with their first and/or last name, followed by a station identification and a "hello," linking greetings to identification and recognition In contrast, Pavlidou (1994) examines Greek and German telephone openings, highlighting that while Greeks use "how are you" to strengthen interpersonal relationships, Germans employ the phrase to mitigate face threats associated with the call's purpose.
Hopper and Chen (1996) examined the structure of telephone conversation openings in Taiwan, noting similarities to American English in the sequences of summons/answer, identification/recognition, and greetings However, they identified cultural variations in greetings, highlighting that Taiwanese speakers utilize three distinct greeting tokens and varying levels of formality in addressing family members This approach reflects the speakers' awareness of their interpersonal relationships.
The preceding overview suggests that, speakers in the studied cultures go through the telephone opening sequences described by Schegloff (1986) and that there are some cultural variations.
TELEPHONE CONVERSATION OPENINGS AS COMMUNICATIVE
General structure of telephone conversation openings
Conversations are opened in socially recognized ways Before beginning their first conversation of the day, we normally greet each other, as two office workers meet in the morning
Stan: Hi How‟s it going?
Jeff: Oh, can‟t complain, I guess Reading for the meeting this afternoon?
Stan: Well, I don‟t have much choice
Greetings exemplify openings sequences, utterances that ease people into a conversation They convey a message “I want to talk to you.”
Greetings are typically used among acquaintances who haven't seen each other for some time or as a way to initiate conversations with strangers However, not all interactions require a formal greeting; for instance, when a stranger asks for the time, saying "Excuse me, sir, do you know what time it is?" serves as an appropriate contextual opener Therefore, greetings are just one form of opening sequence in communication.
Very few conversations do not begin with some type of opening sequences, even as commonplace as the following:
Conversationalists often employ opening sequences to signal their intention to enter the personal space of others For instance, when two friends engage in a discussion on a park bench, a stranger may interject during a lull in their conversation.
Stranger: Excuse me, I didn‟t mean to eavesdrop, but I couldn‟t help hearing that you were talking about Dayton, Ohio I‟m from Dayton
(Conversation then goes on among the three people.)
In various contexts, it is common for opening sequences to begin with an apology Additionally, these openings help establish the speaker's identity, particularly in telephone conversations For instance, in Alfred's apartment, the phone has just rung, prompting this initial interaction.
Alfred: Oh, hi, Helen! How you doin?
In the second turn, Helen uses her voice to help Alfred identify her, while in the third turn, Alfred acknowledges her recognition and completes the greeting initiated earlier (Finnegan, 2004:312).
According to Hatch (1992:8), effective communication requires clear signals to indicate its initiation, a principle that also applies to telephone conversations These opening signals vary depending on the communication channel used, such as phone calls, letters, meetings, or classrooms.
Telephone conversation openings differ from other types of interactions, as the caller is aware of the intended recipient, while the answerer may not know the caller This creates a mutual challenge for both parties to identify one another and establish recognition during the conversation (George Psathas, 1995).
Telephone conversations have quite formalized openings:
Marcia: OHhhh hh I‟ve got a paper b-the yearly paper due tomorrow
Marcia: heheheh hh I can tell you a lot ab(h)out th(h)at
This example shows the four basic parts of phone conversation openings described by Schegloff (1968) which are stated in Hatch (1992) and Hopper (1992):
1) Summons – answer sequence, consisting of the telephone ring and the first thing said by the answerer indicating that the communication channel is open;
2) Identification – recognition sequence, i.e parties identify themselves and/or recognize each other;
3) Greeting sequence, which can be produced by one party or both; consisting of an exchange of greeting token „Hi‟;
4) How-are-you sequence and their answer, which may constitute themselves the main object of the conversation or may be preliminaries leading to the „reason for call‟
Telephone calls initiate with a ringing summons that repeats until answered or abandoned The response typically starts with a simple "Hello," though a more casual "hi" or "yeah" may be used if the caller is expected Business calls often feature self-identification, such as "Acme Computers" or "Dr Jones's office," distinguishing them from personal calls While some may prefer specific greetings like "Smith residence," monitoring calls reveals that these patterns hold true for most American telephone interactions The summons-answer sequence is essential for starting conversations due to the medium's inherent lack of visual cues.
In conversations, particularly during telephone interactions, recognition plays a crucial role at the outset According to Hopper (1992: 58), individuals typically communicate with those they recognize, initiating mutual acknowledgment at the beginning of each encounter However, in telephone conversations, this recognition must occur after the initial summons-answer exchange When the answerer responds with "Hello," they indicate their readiness to engage, while the caller's subsequent "Hello" serves not as a greeting but as an affirmation of their availability for interaction.
Hatch (1992: 9-10) suggests that even minimal voice samples can help us identify a caller or answerer For instance, when a caller recognizes the answerer through a simple "hello," they may respond with "hi" to encourage mutual recognition.
When both the answerer and the caller can be identified from brief voice samples, the process is successful However, there are instances where the identification sequence includes the names of both parties involved.
Sometimes the intonation is exclamatory or given with falling intonation
S: MOM-my, you‟re home
Caller may give an immediate self-identification
In American phone conversations, voice identification is prioritized, as noted by Schegloff (1979), with a preference for using only a first name instead of both first and last names This suggests that minimal information is optimal for identification purposes However, if there is any hesitation in recognizing the caller, individuals typically provide their own identification, often within the second turn of the conversation.
Greetings are usually the first utterances in face-to-face encounters If somebody says
Telephone greetings, such as "Hello," differ from face-to-face greetings as they are not the first utterances in a conversation Instead, they follow an initial summons and identification phase, which positions the greeting further into the interaction This structure may contribute to the enduring popularity of "Hello" as a standard response when answering the phone.
“hello” may retain some greeting function or survive as a vestige of beginning an encounter with a greeting token (Hopper, 1992: 60)
Hatch (1992) suggests that a significant portion of the identification sequence can be achieved through an exchange of greetings, although these initial interactions may not always qualify as greetings In the example provided, the first set of exchanges contributes to the identification sequence, while the second set serves as the actual greeting.
The one distinguishing characteristic of a “hi” as a greeting versus that of identification is that greetings are not repeated However, one “hi” can serve both purposes – recognition and greeting
In telephone conversations, greetings play a crucial role among familiar parties, while calls between strangers often skip this formality Conversely, intimate calls typically include only greetings, highlighting their significance Thus, greetings in telephone openings continue to serve their traditional purpose of signaling prior acquaintance (Hopper, 1992).
In a typical phone call, the opening often features a “how-are-you” exchange, where the standard responses are usually “okay” or “fine.” This neutral reply helps wrap up the opening and serves as a segue into the main topic of the conversation However, if a different response is given, the “how-are-you” segment can evolve into the primary focus of the discussion, even if it wasn't the initial reason for the call.
E: Hi Sue, How are yuh
E: hhh Oh, not so good I had a run-in with B
Cross-cultural Communication and Telephone Openings
2.2.1 Opening sequence in other cultures
English conversations typically begin with the conventional greeting "How are you?", which serves as a blend of greeting, inquiry, and an invitation for a brief, positive response about one's well-being While "How are you?" is a standard opener, other expressions like "Good morning," "Hello," and "Hi!" are also common Unlike the greeting, responses to these phrases are not as standardized.
In various cultures, greetings often include inquiries about health, such as the American phrase "How are you?" These expressions are typically formulaic and not intended to be taken literally, with responses like "I'm fine" often given regardless of true feelings Similarly, Mandarin Chinese greetings may include "Have you eaten rice yet?" or "Where is your going directed to?" demonstrating that such conventional greetings are universally formulaic across different cultures.
In many cultures, particularly in formal settings or when there are social hierarchies, a lengthy and structured opening sequence is essential For instance, in Fiji, visitors must undergo a ceremonial introduction involving regulated speeches before any interaction can occur This process is governed by intricate rules about the content and timing of the speeches, serving a similar purpose to opening sequences in other cultures (Finnegan, 2004: 313).
In Vietnamese, greetings vary based on the relationship to the person being addressed Common greetings include "Chào" (with a falling tone), "Xin chào" (more polite), and specific forms like "Chào anh" for addressing a brother or boy, "Chào chị" for a sister or girl, and "Chào ông" for an older man Other variations include "Chào bà" for an older woman, "Chào con" for a child, "Chào cháu" for a niece or nephew, "Chào em" for someone younger, and "Chào bác" for an aunt or uncle In phone conversations or on loudspeakers, the informal greeting "Allo, Allo" is commonly used.
To greet a partner it is important to use use an appropriate greetings depending on the relationship between the speakers
2.2.2 Telephone openings in other cultures
Alexander Graham Bell spoke through a wire to his colleague Thomas Watson in 1876
"Come here," he said, the first command uttered on a telephone Around the world, different cultures have developed characteristic phone manners since Bell's day
In the United States, telephone conversation openings focus on identifying the speakers and capturing the listener's attention, while in France, such openings typically involve an apology for intruding on the recipient's privacy.
Person calling: Allô? I‟m terribly sorry for disturbing you Can I speak to Marie-France?
In American telephone conversations, an opening sequence is typically absent, leading to different cultural perceptions between Americans and the French While Americans may view the French's apologetic greetings as overly formal and unnecessary, the French might consider American directness as intrusive and impolite This cultural divergence highlights the varying expectations in communication styles between these two societies.
Arabs are renowned for their warm hospitality, greeting one another with exceptional politeness Conversations typically start with an extensive exchange of greetings that, while seemingly trivial, play a crucial role in establishing rapport and respect.
"May your morning be good."
"May your morning be full of light," the caller responds
"Praise God, your voice is welcome."
"What news? Are you well? Your family well?"
"Praise God How are you?"
"All is well All is well Welcome Welcome."
Only then might the reason for the call be mentioned And the goodbyes will take almost as long and are again excruciatingly polite
In contrast to the Arab world, greetings in Western countries like Britain and America tend to be brief, with common responses such as "Hello." Americans may occasionally opt for a simple "Yes," and in professional or military settings, individuals might even respond using just their last names, like "Smith."
In France, when answering the phone, it is customary to say "Allo," followed by the caller's name and the phrase "Qui est à l'appareil?" which translates to "Who is on the line?" This practice reflects the French desire to know the identity of the caller.
"Who is on the phone?"
In Brazil, when making a phone call, it's common for the person answering to ask, "Who's talking?" This practice is not intended to be rude; rather, it serves to confirm that the correct number has been dialed.
In a number of countries, calls are answered with a touch of suspicion or curiosity, a reluctance to talk until it is clear who the caller is
Italians answer "Pronto," or "Ready," and then it's the caller who demands "Chi parla?" "Who's speaking?" assuming the right to know the identity of the person at the other end
Germans tend to answer the phone by barking their last names: "Schmidt" or
"Mueller," even the women and even if they have titles, like Herr Doktor, which in other circumstances they would insist upon
In Copenhagen, Danes will answer with both first and last names, even women:
In Spain, the response to a ringing telephone is: "Diga," or "Speak." "Diga" is also a common response in Mexico, but Mexicans usually answer "Bueno," meaning "Good" or
"Well." Like the Italians, the Mexicans will demand: "Where am I calling?" And if they have the wrong number, they'll indignantly hang up, sometimes with a curse, as if it were the respondent's fault Because of a cultural tendency to speak cautiously with strangers, callers must clearly identify themselves and state their purpose Even then, the respondent may become vague and evasive "Is this the Mexico State Justice Department?" a caller might ask "I wouldn't know what to tell you," is the answer Business people and government officials commonly refuse to speak to strangers on the phone even if it concerns simple inquiries like "Where can I buy one of your vacuum cleaners?" The train system will not divulge ticket fares or schedules on the phone; you must go to the station and ask in person
In Russia, "Da" or "Yes" and "Slushayu vas" or "I am listening to you" are common telephone openings
In Japan, the person answering will customarily say, "Moshi moshi," the equivalent of "Hello," or perhaps "Hai," that is, "Yes." If he or she has the right connection, the caller may say something like "Osewa ni natte imasu," or "I am indebted to you for your kindness." Sometimes people bow over a phone, although the other party cannot see the bow Many older Japanese, who never saw phones until the era of the 1964 Tokyo Olympics, continue to use ceremonial phrases and bows over the telephone - as if it weren't there The standard goodbye is "Ja, mata" "See you later" with the word "Sayonara" reserved only for occasions of a long or final parting.
COMPARISON BETWEEN ENGLISH AND VIETNAMESE
The receiver’s first turn - individual moves
After the caller‟s summons, i.e the phone ringing, the person at the other end of the line picks up the phone and starts speaking These are the very first words in the call and a crucial interactional site, where several moves can be performed and social identities and roles begin to be defined As Schegloff (1979: 25) notes “The opening is a place where the type of conversation being opened can be proffered, displayed, accepted, rejected, modified – in short, incipiently constituted by the parts of it”
Minimally, one may simply display that the communication channel is open and that the conversation can proceed However, it is often the case that other moves are produced in the receiver‟s first turn, including greetings, self-identification, and offers of availability and/or invitations to the caller to express the reason for the call
The receiver orients to the routinised character of the event, sorting out all the matters that need to be dealt with in the opening and rapidly proceeding to the core of the telephone call Although the same set of moves can be recognized in all languages, there are cross- cultural differences in the frequencies of individual moves and in how they are sequentially combined within the turn
Summon-answers are forms whose aim is uniquely to signal that the communication channel has been opened, i.e to provide a minimal answer to the summons represented by the telephone ring
This study examines languages that utilize simple, minimal tokens to indicate an open communication channel, signaling that speakers have established contact and can begin conversing Notably, there are significant differences in how these tokens are employed across various languages.
First of all, the pragmatic meaning of these forms is not exactly the same
English Hello performs discourse markers that can be used in the context of a telephone call and only with the function of checking for an open channel
But Hello can also be used in other ways, most notably as a greeting, both in face to face interactions and on the phone
Answering the phone with a simple hello or hi is not at all infrequent in English, but is strictly confined to the domestic space of personal interactions (Schegloff 1986)
The mother calls her daughter to make sure where she is after school
Caller: Hi Mum, it‟s me
Receiver: Hi, where are you?
Vietnamese use Alo, which is a French word, as an expression uttered in the receiver‟s first turn only in the context of a telephone call, but not for greeting
Caller: Alo Tôi Đức nghe đây (This is Duc speaking)
In English phone conversations, the common greeting is typically "Hello," used by 88% of callers, while 12% introduce themselves with "Hello, this is (receiver's name) speaking." Business calls often start with "Hello, (company's name), (receiver's name)." Participants noted that while "Hello" is a frequent opener, the choice of greeting can vary based on the situation and the identity of the caller.
The receiver may answer in the caller‟s language if they know each other I interviewed an American and he said sometimes he said „Wei” which is a Chinese word as he worked with Chinese people And he opens telephone conversations in various ways which depend on who calls him To a friend or his family he would say „Hello How are you? / How are you doing?‟ or „What are you doing‟; to a colleague „What‟s up‟; to his boss „What‟s going on‟ or „What‟s up‟; and to a stranger it may be „Who is it?‟ English young people aged between 18 and 25 may start their phone calls with „Hi, how‟s it going‟; „Hey, how are you‟; „Hey, how you doing‟; „Hiya‟ with their family and friends
In Vietnam, the way people answer phone calls varies between landline and mobile phones When using a landline, the common greeting is "Alo." However, with mobile phones, the greeting often changes based on the caller's age and their relationship with the person they are speaking to.
„Mẹ à?‟ (Mom?); „Đây rồi‟ (this is me); „Mai đấy hả?‟ (Is that Mai?), Chị/ Anh à; or „Dạ‟ (yes)
The most commonly used greeting when answering the phone is "Alo," accounting for 53% of responses This is followed by "Alo, tôi nghe đây" (Alo, I'm listening) at 23% Additionally, 13% of people respond with "Tôi nghe đây" or "Tôi xin nghe" (I'm listening), while 11% start their calls with "Ai đấy ạ" (Who is it?).
Channel openers vary across languages in their semantic and pragmatic meanings, which influences their placement within conversational turns and affects the flow of dialogue Additionally, there is significant cross-linguistic variation in how frequently these openers are used, particularly when they appear as the sole expression in the recipient's initial response.
Receivers often identify themselves upon answering the phone at the workplace This occurs in both English and Vietnamese
Maintaining anonymity at home can enhance the dynamics of mutual recognition through brief voice interactions, highlighting and strengthening the close bond between callers (Schegloff, 1986).
Receiver: Hi darling, how are you?
Caller: I‟m fine, but where are you? It‟s eight o‟clock
Receiver: Mẹ à, mẹ thế nào ạ? Mẹ khỏe không? (Mom? How are you)
Caller: Hương à? Mẹ bình thường Con ở đâu đấy? (Is that Huong? I‟m fine Where are you?)
When a stranger calls a public telephone number, they may feel uncertain about whether they have reached the correct person The receiver's self-identification at the beginning of the conversation helps to prevent any confusion or further questions In cases where the receiver does not provide this self-identification, callers often feel compelled to confirm the receiver's identity, leading to a sequence of clarifying questions.
Caller: Hello Is that Mandy Poole?
Caller: This is Russel Dean You‟re on Lucky Break
Caller: Alo, nhà bác Đức đấy phải không ạ? (Is that MrDuc‟s house?) Receiver: Dạ, vâng ạ
Introducing oneself at the beginning of a call optimizes the conversation by reassuring the caller that they have reached the correct number, allowing them to quickly address their reason for calling Self-identification can be done in various ways, with the most common method being to state the place name.
Caller: Overseas Sales Department, please
Receiver: The lines are busy Will you hold?
Receiver: Rider House, good morning
Caller: Good morning I‟d like to speak to someone about renting office space, please
Receiver: Alo Khách sạn Dream xin nghe (Dream Hotel speaking)
Callers and receivers may identify themselves in various ways, e.g by providing their personal names or that of the institution they work for
Receiver: Hello, Irish Rail Enquiries, Anna speaking
Caller: Hello Can you give me information about trains from Belfast to Dublin?
Receiver: Alo Khách sạn Dream Tôi A xin nghe (Dream Hotel speaking I A speaking)
Caller: Alo Xin lỗi, tôi muốn (Exsuse me, I would like )
Another common self-identification format is providing one‟s name, which is relatively common in English
Caller: Hello Helen, I‟d like to arrange a meeting
Receiver: Alo Tôi Đức xin nghe (This is Duc speaking)
Caller: Chào anh Dạo này anh thế nào? (Good morning How are you)
In some cases receivers identify themselves without saying „Hello‟
Caller: Ah Emma It‟s Kjell Olaffsson here
Receiver: Hello Kjell What can I do for you now?
Vietnamese do the same in some particular situation depending on each person‟s habit
English speakers identify a little more than Vietnamese with varying proportions (90%) of the times in English and (86%) of Vietnamese Frequency of identification is in table 1
In Vietnam, 43% of office workers identify themselves along with their business name while at work, whereas only 27% of teachers and business owners occasionally provide their identification In contrast, students and shop owners seldom offer identification, and 14% of elderly pensioners never do The language used for identification varies based on the situation, including whether the speakers are using mobile or landline phones, their familiarity with the caller's number, their relationship, and their professional status.
Greetings in communication vary significantly between languages, particularly between English and Vietnamese In English, greetings are time-specific, such as "good morning," "good afternoon," and "good evening," while Vietnamese uses a universal greeting, "Chào," applicable at any time of day Additionally, English offers informal greetings like "hello" or "hallo," which serve as channel openers In contrast, Vietnamese greetings are more relational, often including terms that reflect the speaker's relationship with the listener, such as "Chào bác" (Good morning uncle) or "Chào anh" (Good morning brother), and can also involve questions like "Anh à?" (Is that you?) as a form of greeting.
The figure reported for English includes only 10% of greetings such as good morning and good afternoon Hello/hi raises the proportion of turns with greetings 90% (see table 1)
In English the greeting must be appropriate to a specific time of the day (good morning, good afternoon, good evening)
Caller: Mr Laporta? This is Stephanie Strahl Thank you very much for your quote for the Literatura furniture I‟d like to place an order
(Grant David and McLarty Robert, 2001:170)
Two people greet each other after their recognition
Caller: Good morning, Mrs Mane This is Peter Brien
Receiver: Good morning Mr Brien How can I help you?
Caller: I‟m calling about our appointment
The greeting Good morning can be followed after the receiver‟s answer
Receiver: Hello Rosalind Any mail this morning?
Caller: Good morning, Tony Yes, there is – a letter from our head office in Germany
(Grant David and McLarty Robert, 2001:168)
Greeting sometimes can be the first utterance without summons-answer and identification as the speakers use mobile telephone
Caller: Hello, Matt How are you?
Receiver: I‟m fine, thanks We‟re in Bolivia now
Receiver: Mẹ à, con đây (Mom, this is me)
Caller: Hương hả? Con đang ở đâu đấy? (Is that Huong? Where are you?)
In Vietnamese culture, greetings vary significantly based on the relationship between speakers and the context of the conversation Upon identifying the caller, the receiver tailors their greeting accordingly A notable 43% of participants initiate the conversation by asking, "Is that (caller’s name and title)?" Meanwhile, 18% opt for a more formal approach, greeting with "Good morning Mr./Mrs (chào anh/chị)." Additionally, 17% combine formality with a personal touch by saying, "Good morning Mr./Mrs (Chào anh/chị) How are you?" Another 18% simply introduce themselves with "This is A" before extending their greeting Lastly, 7% prefer a casual approach, asking, "What are you doing?"
This move is found almost exclusively in the British corpus How-are-you is the question usually asked after recognition of the caller and the called
Receiver: Hello Is that David?
Caller: Yes, speaking Is that Monique?
Receiver: Yes Hello David How are you?
In another situation, a colleague phones Piera on the Moday after her trip He asks her about it
Receiver: Hi Piera, this is Charle How are you?
Receiver: When did you get back from Washington?
(Grant David and McLarty Robert, 2001:164 -5)
The caller’s first turn - individual moves
This article will shift focus to how callers initiate conversations, starting with an analysis of their initial moves It will also describe the most prevalent turn formats used in both English and Vietnamese, summarized in Table 2.
In telephone conversations, both English and Vietnamese speakers typically take the second turn, responding after the initial greeting Callers usually initiate the conversation only when there is no response from the other end Additionally, different languages exhibit unique approaches to initiating and answering calls.
English has words that can be used both as channel openers and greetings, namely
Hello/Hi Their basic function is that of an informal greeting, which was subsequently extended to the role of signal in phone conversations
Caller: Hello, I‟m interested in your video cassette recorders
The greeting "Hello/Hi" can be utilized independently in 80% of cases, while it is often paired with a more formal greeting in 20% of instances, as illustrated in Table 2.
However in some situation summons-answer is omitted, especially in business calls people sometimes go directly to their purpose of the call:
Caller: I‟d like to speak to Emma Wood, please/
Vietnamese language is quite complicated in using pronouns and making telephone openings
The typical response to a summons is "Alo," used 60% of the time In the initial interaction, callers often follow this with identification, stating "Alo, tôi A nghe đây" (Alo, I'm listening) 24% of the time, or asking, "Alo Excuse me, is that A?" which accounts for 10%.
In Vietnamese culture, the term "Dạ" translates to "Yes" and is commonly used by younger family members when addressing their parents, older siblings, or any older acquaintances This respectful acknowledgment reflects the importance of hierarchy and politeness in Vietnamese family dynamics.
Many people begin phone conversations in an unusual way by asking "Who is it?" right after I answer with "Hello." This often happens because the caller does not immediately recognize the person they have reached, leading to confusion at the start of the conversation.
„Mẹ à?‟ (Mom?), „Đây rồi‟ (this is me), „Mai đấy hả?‟ (Is that Mai?), „Ơi, em đấy à‟ (Yes, is that you‟, etc are also common summons-answers among Vietnamese speakers
When it comes to identification, considerable differences emerge among the two languages, as can be seen in table 2
Only 20% of English callers consistently identify themselves during phone calls, while 80% admit to doing so only in specific situations or with particular individuals.
English do not self-identify, if receiver has identified her/himself
Caller: I‟d like to speak to Emma Wood, please
The principle that comes into play is that even if they do not know each other, speakers need to introduce themselves before starting to talk about anything
Caller: Hello, Bob This is Victoire I‟m just phoning about your presentation next week
In this scenario, the caller voluntarily shares her identity to discuss an upcoming presentation Although the receiver will later request her identification, the caller's initial self-identification serves to facilitate recognition from the other party.
English callers often do not feel the need to self-identify during conversations, leading to an asymmetry where the receiver's identification is prioritized Callers are typically recognized as potential customers by their interlocutors, which suffices for the conversation to continue without the need for explicit self-identification.
Receiver: Hello, darling This is a nice surprise
Identification can be followed by a request:
Caller: Hello, could I speak to Mario Maleta Please? It‟s Chirs Stutton here
Receiver: Hello, Mr Sutton I‟m sorry, but Mr Maleta isn‟t here today
In some situation when callers know exactly who they are calling identification is not necessary
(Mary rings and Alan picks up the phone)
Caller: When can we get together to discuss a few things, Alan?
Receiver: Just a minute, let me get my diary Right This week?
Caller: OK We need about two or three hours
Vietnamese usually identify when making a phone call 30% of the participants agree that they always give identification when making a phone call
Caller: Alo, con Hương đây ạ Mẹ à? (This is Hương Mom?)
People who run their business and work in offices always identify themselves and their place of work
Caller: Alo, tôi Lợi Khách sạn Thanh Ngân đây ạ (Alo, I‟m Loi Thanh Ngan Hotel speaking)
Most people (50%) feel it's essential to identify themselves at the beginning of a phone conversation, considering it impolite not to do so Only 7% of participants claim they never identify themselves, as they typically call individuals they know well, who also recognize their voice.
Greetings play a crucial role in the initial interactions of callers, often serving as a channel opener When a second greeting is used, it reinforces the initial greeting, enhancing the overall communication In English, "Hello" is commonly paired with other greeting forms, as illustrated in Table 2.
English callers seem to be quite uniform in their behavior They often (20%) ask „Hello/
Hi How are you?‟ or after hello/hi they mention their name with the figure I gathered is 30%
The formula „Hello, receiver‟s name‟ and „Good morning/ afternoon/ evening‟ are equally used with 20% „Hi (caller‟s name) How are you doing?‟ takes only 10%
The most common call format typically starts with a greeting followed by the reason for the call However, in some situations, the greeting may be skipped, and the caller may directly state their request, but this usually happens only after the receiver has indicated their availability, prompting the caller to quickly present their request.
Caller: I‟d like to speak to Helena Steiner, please
Vietnamese greet each other differently depending on their ages and relationship They do the same in telephone conversations
„Is that receiver‟s name and title (anh, chị )‟ is often used (27%) as a greeting, not identification
Caller: Alo Anh /Chị B đấy à? (Is that Mr/Mrs B)
If they recognize the receiver they just greet the receiver (chào anh/ chị + (name) whose percentage is 23%
Caller: Alo Cháu chào chú/ Chào chú A (Hi uncle)
17% of the callers may greet receivers with (Chào anh/ chị ) and then ask „How are you?‟
Caller: Chào anh A Anh khoẻ không? (Hello Mr A How are you)
They sometimes (20%) give identification „This is (caller name) and then greet the receiver
Caller: Em Hương đây ạ Em chào thầy ạ (This is Huong speaking Good morning teacher)
Some people greet the other by asking a question
Caller: Đang làm gì đấy? (What are you doing)
English people usually say „how are you‟ after they recognize the people they call
Caller: Hello Is that David?
Receiver: Yes, speaking Is that Monique?
Caller: Yes Hello David How are you?
In real-life conversations, the four steps of a typical interaction can often be encapsulated in the initial response of a caller For instance, when a colleague calls Piera on the Monday following her trip, they inquire about her experience.
Caller: Hi Piera, this is Charles How are you?
In other cases, how-are-you sequence is not just asking the other about their health but showing the availability to talk
Receiver: Good morning, AA insurance My name‟s Carol How can I help you?
Caller: Hello I‟d like a quotaton for car insurance
When callers hear the question "How can I help you?", they face two competing motivations They may choose to reciprocate the greeting, which was initiated earlier by the receiver, or they may prioritize responding to the request by articulating their needs This pressure to quickly address the receiver's inquiry can lead callers to forgo greetings altogether in favor of providing a prompt response.
When asked people said they sometimes ask „how are you‟ in their telephone conversation, see table 2
Vietnamese people ask about other people‟s health only when necessary (43%) 27% say that they always ask „How are you‟ when call someone
Caller: Alo, chú Nam đấy à? Dạo này có khỏe không? (Is that Nam How are you?)
In Vietnamese telephone conversations, the phrase "How are you?" is frequently used, reflecting the culture's emphasis on caring for family, friends, and neighbors This inquiry about health is a vital aspect of daily interactions, showcasing the deep concern Vietnamese people have for one another, making it an essential characteristic of their cultural identity.
Recapitulation
I analyzed the data by counting the occurrences of various opening categories identified by Schegloff (1968) to determine their combinations and assess how well my findings align with existing theories of universal functions.
I found examples of all four of the opening sequences suggested by Schegloff in my data
In the table below, I summarize the number of occurrences of each sequence found in all
The analysis reveals a strong alignment with Schegloff's categories of telephone conversation, particularly the summons-answer sequence, which is present in 90% of English samples In contrast, Vietnamese callers exhibit unique patterns, with 13% initiating calls without the typical summons "Alo." Most Vietnamese callers (84%) do use "Alo," but they also employ alternative phrases such as "This is (caller name) speaking," "Excuse me, is that ," or simply greet the recipient using appropriate pronouns based on their relationship A detailed examination of the text further highlights both the concordances and differences between the observed data and existing theoretical frameworks.
It is through this textual approach that specific cultural idiosyncrasies can be identified, and this will provide the most useful information for application to second language learning and teaching
Highlighting the similarities and differences between cultures enhances conscious awareness, making it easier for individuals to learn and retain information When people are consciously aware of cultural distinctions, they can more readily access this knowledge when needed.
Concluding remarks
Telephone call openings may seem straightforward and consistent, but significant differences exist in their execution across various languages, institutions, and individuals.
When initiating a phone call, it is essential to navigate various contextual variables effectively The constraints on the receiver's response are less stringent, as their initial turn is not influenced by prior conversation, leading to a reduced variety in their responses.
The complexity of phone calls can vary based on factors such as proximity to the phone, the activities one is engaged in when receiving a call, and recent call history Additionally, the caller must navigate the intricacies of timing their response based on the receiver's previous conversation, making the interaction more nuanced and tailored to the specific context of the call.
Telephone call openings exhibit significant variability, even among speakers of the same language This study demonstrates that there is no uniform method for initiating a telephone conversation among language speakers.
English language performs higher formality whereas Vietnamese has more variants which depend on age, power and the relationship between speakers
In Vietnam, phone conversations typically begin with the simple greeting "Alo," a practice not commonly found in English-speaking contexts While some differences in communication styles may be subtle, they become evident upon closer examination One notable distinction lies in the order of conversational moves; in English, greetings usually precede the main content of the call, whereas in Vietnamese, they often occur at the end of the initial turn or after identifying the caller's location or identity.
Findings suggest that intercultural communication training programs must adapt to the lack of standardized phone answering practices across cultures For instance, while the common pattern of identifying and greeting oneself is prevalent in English, it is often reversed This highlights the questionable effectiveness of training programs that rely on direct translations from one language to another An example is the English greeting “Good afternoon, ABC company Can I help you?” which feels natural in the UK but becomes awkward in Vietnamese, where the typical opening is much shorter, as seen in “Tôi giúp gì được ạ?” This disparity underscores the need for culturally relevant training approaches.
Students learning English should be made aware of the unique pragmatic routines in both their native language and English This awareness helps them understand what constitutes appropriate behavior and recognize deviations from these norms in communication Opening a telephone call is a common yet significant communicative ritual in professional settings, representing just one of many rituals that vary across cultures While it's impractical to provide extensive training for each ritual, analyzing a specific case like telephone calls can help workers become more sensitive to the nuances of cross-cultural communication.
Implications for teaching English telephone conversation openings
Wolfson (1989) highlights the crucial role of understanding cultural norms in foreign language learning, stating that learners may misuse language frames without proper guidance, leading to misunderstandings This cultural awareness enhances a learner's communicative and pragmatic competence in both the target language and culture Additionally, research in this area offers valuable insights for educators, who are tasked with teaching the daily norms of English and Vietnamese However, despite the inclusion of telephone conversations in many English textbooks, pragmatic competence in telephone communication remains underemphasized in most English education curricula.
This data serves as a valuable comparative tool for teaching English to Vietnamese learners, particularly when utilized alongside the English material they are required to study By employing a supplementary, comparative, or contrastive approach, educators can enhance the learning experience and facilitate better understanding of the language.
Studies can serve as practical examples of everyday situations that students commonly face, acting as a springboard for lessons that explore the differences and similarities between their native culture and the target culture.
The implications of telephone conversation openings are vast and varied, presenting numerous opportunities for exploration It is essential for researchers and educators to investigate and implement these diverse aspects both in educational settings and beyond.
Suggestions for further research
I acknowledge the limitations of my work, primarily due to the small size of my data samples, which makes my conclusions suggestive rather than definitive Given the preliminary nature of this research, it is crucial to conduct further studies on the Vietnamese language, particularly in the context of telephone openings, as there is a notable lack of literature in this area I aspire for my contributions to pave the way for more extensive exploration in this field.